To Explain Fire Setting Behaviour Psychology Essay

To Explain Fire Setting Behaviour Psychology Essay Intentional firesetting is a costly and serious form of anti social behaviour that can have devastating consequences, both personally and financially. Encapsulating this notion, fire departments in the United States confirmed that in 2007, there were over 300,000 intentionally set fires recorded, causing hundreds of fatalities, thousands of injuries and generated over a billion dollars of financial costs (Hall, 2010). The term firesetting is often used interchangeably with the legal term arson, defining the specific criminal act of intentionally or recklessly setting fire to damage or defraud (Vaughn et al, 2010). Conversely, firesetting is the term used to describe to incidences whereby the deliberate setting of fires may not have been prosecuted for a variety of reasons (e.g. insufficient severity to cause damage or has not been detected as a deliberate fire; identity of the firesetter is unknown; insufficient evidence to gain a conviction; or the young age of the setter; Dickens Sugarman, 2012). Firesetting is therefore applicable to a wider scale of people who deliberately engage in setting fires, than the narrow definition of arson. Existing research suggests that such behaviour is more frequently perpetrated by child and juveniles than adults (Kolko, 1985). However recent findings show that approximately one million people in the United States, and 200,000 in UK have set a fire since the age of 15 (Dickens Sugarman, 2012), thereby suggesting firesetting often continues into adulthood (Blanco et al, 2010; Vaughn et al, 2010). Research into the potential origins of the behaviour indicates that such actions are strongly correlated with a range of individual characteristics and antecedents (Vaughn et al, 2010). What is more, firesetting is a symptom of pyromania, however as the community prevalence of this is apparently rare (Grant, Levine, Kim Potenza, 2005; Lejoyeux, Arbarateaz, McLoughlin Adà ©s, 2002), the suggestion of co-morbidity between firesetti ng and more common types of mental disorder, as found by a range of scholars (Anwar, Là ¥ngstrom, Grann Fazel 2011; Blanco et al, 2010; Bradford Dimock, 1986; Richie Huff, 1999; Vaughn et al, 2010) has been preferred. As a result, these associations have largely featured in the construction of typologies, single factor and multifactor theories that attempt to explain firesetting behaviour. This essay aims to critically assess such theories. A fundamental basis for effective assessment and treatment of criminal behaviour is awareness of, and comprehensive understanding of etiological theory. This provides a core framework from which to plot the interrelationships between an offenders presented clinical phenomena and central psychological variables. Within literature relating to sexual offending, Ward and Hudson (1998) eluded to a meaningful method of conceptualising etiological theory into two types; single factor and multi factor theories (Ward Hudson, 1998). As these figure throughout the essay, it is favourable to address each style. Single factor theories are those which focus on explaining a lone factor and its causal relationship with offending. Conversely, multifactor theories unite various single factor theories into a thorough outline of offending, providing an account of how the factors are merged to facilitate offending behaviour (Gannon, Ó Ciardha, Doley Alleyne, 2012). A further, and relatively underdeveloped form of theory absent from those detailed by Ward and Hudson (1998) is taxonomic classification, or typologies. Here, various offenders are subtyped into groups, based on shared motivational factors, personality characteristics, demographic aspects or a combination of each (Gannon Pina, 2010). These classifications represent unilateral assemblage that when deemed sufficient and reliable, play an effective role in assessment and treatment, as well as feeding into more comprehensive theories of offence behaviour (Gannon et al, 2012). Because of this reason, typologies will feature at the beginning of this evaluation. Before commencing however, it is beneficial to portray what constitutes the typical firesetter. Firstly, reports from several scholars have suggested that the majority of apprehended firesetters are white (Bennett Hess, 1984; Ritchie Huff, 1999; Rix, 1994). Concerning gender, figures confirm that male firesetters are more frequent than female firesetters, for example one study highlighted that in excess of 80% of self reported firesetters were male, equal to a male:female gender ratio approximating 5:1 (Blanco et al, 2010; Vaughn et al, 2010). In support, similar gender ratios that approach or exceeding this are common in various selected samples (Bourget Bradford, 1989; Lewis Yarnell, 1951; Stewart, 1993). Firesetting therefore, appears largely to be a male activity. In relation to age, studies have found that more than half of firesetters were aged 18-35 years, compared to 31% of the non-firesetter control population. In addition, older firesetters were found to be rare, with 4% aged 65 years and over, compared with 16% of population controls (Blanco et al; Vaughn et al, 2010). Other scholars have also reported a tendency towards youth as a risk factor (Bourget Bradford, 1989; Puri, Baxter Cordess, 1995). Therefore, firesetters appear to be generally young and moreover, a large number of studies further show that the majority of which are typically younger than non-firesetting criminals (Hurley Monahan, 1969; Rice Harris, 1991). Lastly, firesetters tend to be low achievers in education and more likely to be unemployed or unskilled than other non-firesetting offenders (Bradford,1982; Harris Rice, 1991), disadvantaged in terms of social class (Hurley Monahan, 1969) and also possess difficulties in forming long lasting relationships, as many are typically reported to be living alone and never to have married (Bourget Bradford,1989; Puri et al, 1995; Ritchie Huff, 1999; Dickens, Sugarman, Edgar, Hofberg, Tewari Ahmad, 2009). Representing the very earliest stages of theory development are typologies, of which there have been many (e.g. Icove Estepp, 1987; Inciardi, 1970; Lewis Yarnell, 1951; Rix, 1994). Perhaps the first researchers to provide a classificatory system for firesetters were Lewis and Yarnell (1951) who, using 2000 reports of firesetting identified four reasons as to why fires were set, these included: unintentionally, through delusions, through erotic pleasure and to acquire revenge (Lewis Yarnell, 1951). This early typology was pioneering since it laid the foundations for other researchers to add to (Bradford, 1982). One scholar who obliged several years later was Inciardi (1970) who examined records of paroled firesetters released from state prisons over a six year period and observed six categories of firesetter: institutionalised, insurance claim, vandalism, crime concealment, excitement and revenge (Inciardi, 1970). A key strength of Inciardis (1970) work was the amount of participants studied, but another was that there were similarities between two of the categorisations proposed by himself, and Lewis and Yarnell (1951). This is significant as the presence of these categories within firesetting can be linked to and supported by other empirical findings. For example, in reference to their erotic pleasure (Lewis Yarnell, 1951) and excitement (Inciardi, 1970) categories, these hold particular relevance to symptoms of pyromania (American Psychiatric Association, 2000), an impulsive disorder characterised by intense fascination with and a desire to associate oneself with fire and fire paraphernalia, though as there are many diagnostic restrictions, the prevalence of pyromania is rare (Doley, 2003). An additional similarity seen between the two typologies (Lewis Yarnell, 1951; Incairdi, 1970) is the inclusion of revenge as a category, which is supported as a motive for firesetting by many scholars (e.g. Koson Dvoskin, 1982; Pettiway, 1987; Rix, 1994). A key criticism of the typologies proposed by Inciardi (1970) and similar ones that followed (e.g, Dennet, 1980; Icove Estepp, 1987; Rautaheimo, 1989) was that their categories were generally too broad (Gannon et al, 2012). Therefore, later typologies used a smaller number of categories using data driven strategies (e.g. Almond, Duggan, Shine Canter, 2005; Canter Fritzon, 1998; Harris Rice, 1996; Rice Harris, 1991), providing an empirically stronger classification of firesetters (Gannon et al, 2012). One such example by Rice and Harris (1996) investigated 11 variables thought to be closely associated with firesetting, in a sample of 243 mentally disordered firesetters. They discovered four categories labelled as: psychotics (motivated by delusions and characterised by few incidents), unassertives (motivated mainly by anger or vengeance and characterised by low assertiveness), multifiresetters (primarily set fires in institutions and characterised by poor developmental experience s), and criminals (likely to operate at night, characterised by poor developmental experiences and, personality disorder) (Rice Harris, 1996). Rice and Harriss (1996) typology is possibly one of the strongest available as not only does it state the criteria required for group membership, but many of their aspects above are supported by empirical research (Gannon et al, 2012). For instance, the presence of personality disorder in Rice and Harriss (1996) criminal category is supported by findings that show antisocial personality disorder is particularly common in firesetters (APA, 2000; Bradford, 1982; Kolko, 1985; Kolko Kazdin, 1991). This is in addition to support for the presence of delusions as a motivation for firesetting, since a link between firesetting and schizophrenia has also been demonstrated (Geller, 1987; McKerracher Dacre, 1966; Richie Huff, 1999). One could argue however, that the presence of psychopathology within Rice Harriss (1996) sample was expected, as it was limited to those who were mentally disordered (Gannon et al, 2012). Although one of the adjudged reasons identified by Lewis and Yarnell (1951) as to why a fire may be set was through delusions (Lewis Yarnell, 1951), and this research was based on a sample free from mental disorder. Shared characteristics of firesetters identified in typologies often help to initiate scholars to explain these through psychological theory, thus our attention is now shifted towards single factor theories of firesetting. Possibly the earliest single factor theory was proposed by Freud (1932), later elaborated upon by other authors (Gold, 1932; Macht Mack, 1968). Here it was hypothesised that firesetting originates from either a urethral or oral fixated sexual drive. Firstly, youngsters are believed to experience enuresis as a means of attempting to extinguish firesetting occurring in dreams and secondly, firesetting is seen to symbolise repressed sexual urges (Gannon Pina, 2010). Other psychodynamic accounts made use of instinctual drives, such as aggression and anxiety to explain firesetting (e.g. Kaufman, Heims Reiser, 1961). However as there is a notorious lack of empirical evidence to offer support to psychodynamic theory (Hollin, 2013), it is unsurprising that there is litt le support this, or the suggestion that that those who set fires find the act sexually arousing (Rice Harris, 1991; Quinsey, Chaplin Upfold, 1989), or that there is a high rate of enuresis amongst firesetters. In contrast, considerably more praise has been gathered by researchers focusing on the role of biology and neurological impairment in order to explain firesetting behaviour (Gannon Pina, 2010). For example, evidence suggests that firesetters have decreased concentrations of cerebrospinal fluid monomaine metabolites (Roy, Virkkunen, Guthrie Linnoila, 1986; Virkkunen, Nuutila, Goodwin Linnoila, 1987; Virkkunen, Dejongm Bartko Linnoila, 1989). Furthermore, Virkkunen et al (1989) found that recidivist firesetters were those most likely to have such abnormalities relative to non-recidivist firesetting, therefore suggesting that such abnormal neurotransmitter defects could account for prolonged and impulsive cases of firesetting. However as firesetting is often co-morbid with impulse disorder (Lidberg, Belfrage, Bertilsson, Evenden Ã…sberg, 2000), such abnormalities are unlikely to be specific to the act of firesetting itself. Perhaps the most supported concept relating to neuropsychological and biological theories of firesetting, is through brain injury. Evidence has found 28% of arsonists referred to forensic psychiatry services had a history of brain injury (Puri et al, 1995) and furthermore, abnormal electroencephalography readings were found amongst arsonists also when compared to non-offending and other offending controls (Bradford, 1982; Hill et al, 1982). Here it is believed that such trauma may exert an exaggerating force that leads one to engage in firesetting behaviour (Kolko, 2002). One main area of praise for biological perspectives of firesetting is that they offer promise for rehabilitation, depending on the nature of the abnormality (e.g. provision of serotoninergic drugs for offenders with low levels of cerebrospinal fluid monomaine metabolites; JoviĆ¡, MirkovĆ¡, MajiĆ¡-Singh MilovanoviĆ¡, 1999). However, cases of firesetting associated solely on biological causes are rare, meaning this may limit professional examination of psychological and sociological factors that are also likely to be associated with firesetting (Gannon Pina, 2010). The final and most contemporary single factor theory of firesetting left to address is Social Learning Theory (Bandura, 1976). The main assertion here is that firesetting is the product of reinforcement contingencies and learning through modelling or imitation (Bandura, 1976; Kolko Kazdin, 1986; Macht Mack, 1968; Singer Hensley, 2004). For example, Vreeland and Levin (1980) propose that firesetting can be instantly reinforcing via sensory excitement connected to fire, in addition to the sirens, noise and crowds elicited by fire (Vreelin Levin, 1980). Furthermore, as positive reinforcement does not necessarily need to be directly experienced for social learning to transpire, learning associated with fire may occur vicariously through mere exposure to fires (legitimate or illegitimate), or key models of firesetting behaviour (e.g. parents and caregivers; Gannon et al, 2012). In support, there is key evidence showing firstly, that firesetters fathers occupations often involve consid erable exposure to fire (e.g. firemen; Stewart, 1993). Secondly, firesetters tend to be raised in environments where fire is more pervasive (e.g. countryside locations; Wolford, 1972), or used as punishment (Ritvo, Shanok Lewis, 1983). And finally, firesetters often orginate from families with a history of firesetting (Rice Harris, 1991). Social Learning Theory can also be applied in conjunction with earlier discussion of firesetting typologies, of which a common category proposed was firesetting that related to revenge or was anger induced (Lewis Yarnell, 1951; Inciardi, 1970; Rice Harris, 1996). For example, Social Learning Theory forecasts that self-regulatory responses are created as a product of reinforcement contingencies. Consequently, poor childhood socialisation personified through exposure to negative developmental experiences and role models are likely to result in aggression, poor coping skills and a lack of assertiveness (Gannon Pina, 2010). As there is a wealth of evidence to support the presence of such traits amongst firesetters (e.g. Ainsworth, 1989; Bowlby, 1969; Jackson et al, 1987; Rice Chaplin, 1979; Rice Harris, 2008; Root, Mackay, Henderson, Del Bove Warling, 2008; Showers Pickrell, 1987; Smith Short, 1995), these are likely to incline individuals towards reckless behaviours (Nagin Pate rnoster, 1993) and launch a propensity to light fires to gain positive environmental control (Vreeland Levin, 1980). Thus Social Learning Theory foretells that various developmental experiences, cues, cognitive perceptions and expectations shape a persons proclivity for firesetting, notably as a form of learnt aggression (Gannon Pina, 2010). However one key limitation is that it is unclear which combination of factors culminates in facilitating other forms of firesetting (Gannon Pina, 2010). The final type of theory to consider addresses key features of previous theories to present a more holistic view to the path of firesetting, known as multifactor theories. Here, interactions are explicitly defined between individual characteristics and features of the social environmental that are integral to the decision to offend. Within this perspective there are two main approaches to consider. The first of which used Functional Analysis Theory principles (Sturmey, 2008), to explain firesetting as an interaction of antecedents and behavioural consequences (Jackson et al, 1987). Referring to their clinical experience of firesetters, research literature and tenets of Social Learning Theory, Jackson et al (1987) formulated the core associative links hypothesised to produce and reinforce firesetting. Regarding antecedents, five factors were assumed: psychosocial disadvantage, life dissatisfaction and self loathing, social ineffectiveness, factors determining the individuals experienc es of fire and internal or external firesetting triggers (Jackson et al, 1987). Within this paradigm, firesetters are viewed as individuals who, throughout their early years experience significant social difficulties and are unable to satisfy their emotional and social needs through appropriate means (Jackson et al, 1987). However, involvement in fire and fire paraphernalia allows for some control to be exerted over their environment, which is ordinarily unobtainable to them. This is in addition to increased attention from distracted or distanced caregivers such that fire interest is positively reinforced. Such increases in personal effectiveness and self esteem, alongside sensory stimulation of the fire therefore increases interest in fire, thereby mounting the likelihood of firesetting in the future (Gannon et al, 2012). Jackson et al further add that negative reinforcement priniciples may play an equally important role in developing and maintaining firesetting. Here they suggest punitive consequences of firesetting (e.g. rejection, punishment, intense and increased supervision) may strengthen the offenders personal inadequacies already experienced, such that firesetting behaviours are continued (Jackson et al, 1987). A main strength of the Functional Analysis Theory (Jackson et al, 1987) is that there is a wealth of evidence available that favours the hypothesised association between firesetting and psychosocial disadvantage (e.g. Blackburn, 1993; Geller, 1987, Hollin, 1989; Inciardi, 1970). For example, as well as being generally psychiatrically disturbed (Barnett Spitzer, 1994), many firesetters suffer specifically from depression, low self esteem and substance abuse (Coid, Wilkins Coid, 1999; Puri et al, 1995; Repo, 1998). Whats more, researchers also note specifically that firesetters are frequently socially inept and experience maladjustment across several life domains, such as education and employment and peer personal relations (Bradford, 1982; Harris Rice, 1984; OSullivan Kelleher, 1982; Vreeland Levin, 1980). Although, many of these psychosocial variables are found to be common among other types of offender (Hurley Monahan, 1969), therefore it may not be wise to generalise such fin dings wholly to firesetters. Nevertheless, Jackson et als work is deserving of praise in its unification of isolated findings and hypotheses together into one whole (Gannon Pina, 2010), coupled with its relevance for clinicians, helping to underpin and guide contemporary treatment for firesetting (Swaffer, Haggert Oxley, 2001; Taylor, Thorne Slavin, 2004). As in Functional Analysis Theory (Jackson et al, 1987), the other multifactor theory of firesetting known as the Dynamic Behaviour Theory (Fineman, 1980; 1995), followed the view that such behaviour is a product of historical psychosocial influences that shape a persons tendency to set fires through social learning experiences. The theory stipulates that firesetting is the result of an interaction between historical factors predisposing antisocial actions (e.g. social disadvantage), previous and existing environmental reinforcers (e.g. childhood experiences) and instant environmental reinforcers (e.g. external, internal sensory reinforcement) (Fineman, 1995). The latter is further split into numerous variables that Fineman (1995) argues should be explored by clinicians. These include, impulsivity triggers (e.g. rejection or trauma), crime scene features that may provide reasoning behind such behaviour (e.g. target of a specific individual), cognitions and affects prior to, during an d post firesetting, and lastly any external (e.g. financial reward) or internal reinforcers (e.g. satisfaction or sensory satisfaction). Fineman (1995) ultimately hypothesises that firesetting stems from the culmination of interactions between these aforementioned factors, proceeding to recommend careful investigation of each when assessing and treating firesetters (Fineman, 1995). Akin to Functional Analysis Theory (Jackson et al, 1987), Dynamic Behaviour Theory (Fineman, 1995) plays a key role in developing professional understanding of firesetting. A specific strength of this theory was that the attention paid to the more proximal variables related to firesetting, as this expresses how crucial psychological factors contribute to the development and maintenance of firesetting behaviour (Gannon Pina, 2010). Away from these strengths however, is the problem that empirical support for this theory has largely been limited to findings from juvenile firesetters, meaning many mechanisms associated with adult firesetting are left unexplained by this theory (Gannon et al, 2012). This evaluation has shown that the majority of empirical work undertaken with firesetters has focused on the production of typological classificatory systems and the examination of firesetters psychopathological and sociodemographical features. This information is useful in gaining an essential understanding of a variety of motives behind firesetting behaviour and has paved the way for scholars to address the underlying meaning of such motives through etiological theory. This in turn aims to help deliver effective treatments to firesetters. In response, several single factor theories have been applied to explain firesetting, however these are unable to explain the myriad of features that typically interact to facilitate and maintain firesetting (Gannon Pina, 2010). Though, one key addition to single factor theories is Social Learning Theory (Bandura, 1976; Vreeland Levin, 1980), of which key aspects featured throughout both available multifactor theories of firesetting, Functional Analysis Theory (Jackson et al, 1987) and Dynamic Behaviour Theory (Fineman, 1980; 1995). Both multifactor theories hold several strengths, particularly their focus on developmental experiences as a factor explaining interest in, and reinforcement of firesetting (Gannon Pina, 2010). However, despite being the most appropriate method of explaining firesetting, absent from their accounts is any reference to the full range of risk factors or criminogenic needs associated with the broad range of firesetting behaviours, nor is there acknowledgement of the potential factors linked with a desistence from firesetting (Gannon et al, 2012). This inevitably led to the recent development of the Multi-Trajectory Theory of Adult Firesetting (Gannon et al, 2012) not discussed in specific detail here, but which integrated the current theory, typological, and research findings considered throughout this essay into one sizeable etiological theory of firesetting and its maintenance and desistence.

Prosperity and Violence in Developed vs Underdeveloped Countries Essay

Prosperity and Violence in Developed vs Underdeveloped Countries The best examples of the trade off between prosperity and violence are attributed in Bates to the early developers, whose' success story stands in contrast to the prospect of the late developers who's situation is fundamentally related to their historical relationship with the developed nations. In order to come to an understanding of the trade off between prosperity and violence it is therefore necessary to establish the terms of distinction between developed and underdeveloped countries. This paper will therefore establish the cause of the trade off between prosperity and violence in order to highlight its impediments. In doing so this paper will argue that the history of early developers is characterised in Bates by the interplay between prosperity and violence and their respective roles in inspiring the great transformation. It will be argued that the trade off between prosperity and violence passes through distinct stages which has implications for the prospects of late developers. From agrarian beginnings in which a fragile peace was established via the threat of privately wielded violence to the feudal period which sees monarchs engage in wars, the trade off between prosperity and violence is the outcome or solution of the exigencies of the time. There is then a stark contrast between the histories of the developed nations and the modern histories of the late developers. Following Bates, it will be argued that the trade off between prosperity and violence has not yet effectively taken place within the developing world. The impact of global economic forces coupled with the impact of the cold war has negatively impacted the late deve... .... However, there is no doubt that the late developer?s ability to undergo the ?great transformation? has been perverted by the post war political and economic environment. Insofar as the course of the late developers direction has diverted from the norm established by the early developers, the trade-off between prosperity and violence has not been accomplished. References Bates, R, (2000), "Prosperity and Violence: the political economy of development", W. W. Norton and company, New York and London] Todaro, M, (1997), ?Economic development?, Sixth Edition, London Longman Valenzuela, J.S and Valenzuela, A., (1978) "Modernisation and Dependency: alternative perspectives in the study of Latin American Underdevelopment", Comparative Politics 10 Kothari, U and Minogue, M, (2002), "Development theory and practice: critical perspectives", Palgrave Prosperity and Violence in Developed vs Underdeveloped Countries Essay Prosperity and Violence in Developed vs Underdeveloped Countries The best examples of the trade off between prosperity and violence are attributed in Bates to the early developers, whose' success story stands in contrast to the prospect of the late developers who's situation is fundamentally related to their historical relationship with the developed nations. In order to come to an understanding of the trade off between prosperity and violence it is therefore necessary to establish the terms of distinction between developed and underdeveloped countries. This paper will therefore establish the cause of the trade off between prosperity and violence in order to highlight its impediments. In doing so this paper will argue that the history of early developers is characterised in Bates by the interplay between prosperity and violence and their respective roles in inspiring the great transformation. It will be argued that the trade off between prosperity and violence passes through distinct stages which has implications for the prospects of late developers. From agrarian beginnings in which a fragile peace was established via the threat of privately wielded violence to the feudal period which sees monarchs engage in wars, the trade off between prosperity and violence is the outcome or solution of the exigencies of the time. There is then a stark contrast between the histories of the developed nations and the modern histories of the late developers. Following Bates, it will be argued that the trade off between prosperity and violence has not yet effectively taken place within the developing world. The impact of global economic forces coupled with the impact of the cold war has negatively impacted the late deve... .... However, there is no doubt that the late developer?s ability to undergo the ?great transformation? has been perverted by the post war political and economic environment. Insofar as the course of the late developers direction has diverted from the norm established by the early developers, the trade-off between prosperity and violence has not been accomplished. References Bates, R, (2000), "Prosperity and Violence: the political economy of development", W. W. Norton and company, New York and London] Todaro, M, (1997), ?Economic development?, Sixth Edition, London Longman Valenzuela, J.S and Valenzuela, A., (1978) "Modernisation and Dependency: alternative perspectives in the study of Latin American Underdevelopment", Comparative Politics 10 Kothari, U and Minogue, M, (2002), "Development theory and practice: critical perspectives", Palgrave

Dystopian Societies-1984 vs Fahrenheit 451

Dystopian Visions An imaginative society consisting of oppressive squalor in which all are heavily restricted by the absolute superiority of the ruling party. A society where repression and restrictions seem boundless, while the individual liberty of the citizen seems boundlessly obstructed. A society where mental deprivation and deception is the goal of the guardian; a society where misery and poverty are thrust upon the unsuspectingly loyal citizens; a society where the well- being of the people are of imperceptible acknowledgement, yet its inhabitants have been manipulated into perceiving such as utopian. Contrary to their deceit induced perceptions, these characteristics are quite the opposite of utopian, they are dystopian! Many authors portray their own vision of a dystopia through novels. Two highly intriguing dystopian novels are George Orwell’s, â€Å"1984,† and Ray Bradbury’s, â€Å"Fahrenheit 451. † Their visions were strikingly similar as the themes were both based on totalitarian governments maintaining control through propaganda and mental/social deprivation (mostly corporate and bureaucratic controls, although technological control was utilized). The protagonists find themselves in almost identical situations, for they have become enlightened of the misery, sacrifice, and evil that their society possesses. But they must conceal their knowledge, leaving them trapped, although they could not keep it hidden forever. In both novels came the mental sheltering of the society to thwart contradicting or rebellious thought that would come with the enlightenment of the sacrifices the society was withstanding. This social and mental control would render the majority of society incapable of independent thought, allowing the injustices to proceed. Forced ignorance masked the evil the government had laid upon them and if one were to unveil the ignorance, they had to conceal it with their lives. In both novels, those who could not shield their enlightenment would fall victim to the strong and cunning police forces of the society. These forces would brutally murder and vanquish the existence of those free of the government’s mental sanitation. As shown by the â€Å"thought police† in â€Å"1984†. This shows the extent to which the extinction of information and individuality was pursued. Another shared characteristic, although much more obvious in â€Å"1984,† is the use of propaganda in manipulating the people. In ‘Fahrenheit 451,† the propaganda came in the form of death. They would publically kill those who disobeyed, just as you see in the end of movie when they murder â€Å"Montag†. In â€Å"1984,† the society was infested with â€Å"Big Brother† propaganda. With posters, â€Å"Two Minutes Hate†, inflated numbers, and constant reassurance of â€Å"Big Brother† being the flawless and great protector of everyone, they deceived the people. I would like to point out the fact that they didn’t share the same figurehead type worship. In â€Å"1984,† everything and everyone was focused and revolved around â€Å"Big Brother†, whereas in â€Å"Fahrenheit 451,† there wasn’t as much as the singular idol to worship and direct praise towards. These societies painted by Bradbury and Orwell both utilized mental and social hindrance, through strong regulations. This type of control is otherwise known as the bureaucratic control. In â€Å"Fahrenheit 451† they put heavy restrictions on literature, and would incinerate all books they could locate. In â€Å"1984,† they were absolutely relentless with their regulations, even the wrong facial expression could get you killed. Corporate control was also highly utilized in these societies. Specifically, they would brainwash you as a daily routine called â€Å"Two Minutes Hate† in the, â€Å"1984,† novel. Here is an example of the Two Minute Hate’s effect on the people, â€Å"a desire to kill, to torture, to smash faces in with a sledge hammer, seemed to flow through the whole group of people like an electric current†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Orwell14). The government successfully manipulated the inhabitants into loving and feeling completely dependent to â€Å"Big Brother† and the government, while completely despising whoever â€Å"Big Brother† portrayed as the enemy. Big Brother† altered everything to make him seem absolutely flawless and created a false sense of superior and improving living conditions. All of this advertising and false media was not unique to, â€Å"1984,† though. In â€Å"Fahrenheit 451,† the government would use the media to show the deaths of those who broke regulations in place. Technological control was a third control used, as Telescreen monitors were implanted everywhere in â€Å"1984,† to ensure complete surveillance to avoid any risk of conspiracies or deviation from their norms. In â€Å"Fahrenheit 451,† they had robotic dogs that could sniff out and locate any human needed. The protagonists in these novels, Montag and Winston, are both unique to their society for they had the power to unveil the mask of ignorance and be enlightened to the true colors of the society they lived in. They both felt trapped and desperately needed to escape or alter their society. The differences between them and the others are made even more apparent by their wives and how they end up feeling about them. Winston mentally nicknamed his wife, â€Å"the human sound track,† (Orwell66) during their relationship. This being very similar to Montag’s feeling towards his bland and uninteresting wife as well. They both are overwhelmed by the now painfully visible misery and evil their society consists of, but must protect such thoughts with their lives. A significant difference between the two characters is the fact that Guy Montag was successful with his attempt to better society, for his city was destroyed leaving it up to him and some others to rebuild society. This unlike Winston, who was captured, tortured, and then allowed back into society with a new conformist attitude. These novels are criticizing the paths and patterns that human governments tend to take. With governments concealing/censoring information from the people and corruption being so widespread and apparent; these authors are presenting a possible outcome of our chronic blunder. Orwell was even directly criticizing the rule of Stalin in his day and how horrible such a society is and can be. These societies reflect the negatives of our society in a bloated and extreme way and if these relevant evils are not eliminated, our society is at risk of being reduced to a dreaded dystopia.

Cell Phone Usage at Al Ittihad Model School Among Male Students

Cell Phone Usage at Al Ittihad Model School Among Male Students This study will utilize both qualitative and quantitative data since the study variables require that these two types of data be captured during the research process.Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on Cell Phone Usage at Al Ittihad Model School Among Male Students specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Questionnaires will be used to collect the primary data since the study concerns variables that cannot be directly observed such as opinions, perceptions, and feelings of respondents. Such implicit feelings will only be collected through writing, and the questionnaire will be the best tool to collect both structured and semi-structured questions. The questionnaire will be in two parts. The first part will seek information on the background of the respondents, while the second part will obtain specific information on use of cell phones by the respondents under study. Both set of information collected through this quest ionnaire will therefore be qualitative and quantitative in nature. The data collected through questionnaires will then be entered into a database where statistical analyses will be done. The quantitative data will be analyzed using descriptive statistics and statistical programs such as SPSS while qualitative data will first be coded and then analyzed (Silver, 1993). After the finalization of data entry from the selected samples, the next step will be analysis of the data using descriptive statistics to determine the accuracy of the research objectives and hypotheses. In this case since our research study intends to investigate whether cell phone usage at Al Ittihad Model School among male students has any causal-effects, then my focus will be on analyzing descriptive statistics such as mean, Pearson Correlation Coefficient and Variance and Standard Deviation among others (Silver, 1993). Both variance and the standard deviation are used to measure the variability of a dataset i.e. h ow widely the data is dispersed. The standard deviation is the square root of the variance; this will be relevant for our study since there are numerical data involved.Advertising Looking for research paper on education? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Pearson Correlation Coefficient is a measure of linear dependence, referred as correlation between two variables of interest that occurs in a continuous format while mean is the average of a set of scores or measures (Silver, 1993); it is calculated by summing the scores and dividing with the number of observations. Study approach weaknesses Quantitative research method is mainly objective in nature and is largely concerned with research of the quantitative aspect of a study; as such it utilizes statistical tools in data collection, entry and analysis. The most widely used methods of data collection in this case are observations, tests, questionnaire, surveys and use o f existing statistical time series (Hoepfl, 1997). Qualitative research method on the other hand interprets, evaluates gathers and uses qualitative data study methods to examine qualitative facts; this method is very subjective when compared to quantitative method and is usually focused on the wider population than quantitative methods (Hoepfl, 1997). Case studies, observations and interviews are commonly used in collection of data in qualitative designed studies (Hoepfl, 1997). So because each method utilizes different tools in research, then each has also unique strengths and weaknesses and a combination of both approaches is the most ideal research design. Thus, by including both these methods in my research study, I have strengthened my research study. Weaknesses in qualitative research The data analyzed through the use of qualitative method lacks external and internal validity (Austvik, 2009). This is because the information generated is subjective in nature and it is paramoun t for the researcher to subjectively interpret the data including through use of their own experiences. Qualitative research method is mainly subjective; as such the research findings are subject to biasness of the researcher. In this type of research, the information generated may be impossible to validate since a large aspect of it is dependent on the experience of the researcher due to the subjective interpretation of the data that is involved. Data analysis in quantitative research is very challenging and time consuming since the data must first be coded before it can be interpreted. This requires skills and much experience to manage unlike the case in quantitative research A qualitative researcher must use natural setting which will be the context from which the data collection must be undertaken as this is essential because subjects of study in qualitative research cannot be investigated independently from their social environment. This is more challenging, costly and time con suming. Qualitative research lacks uniformity and reliability because responded have an option to ignore some concepts and chose others during data collection. Generally, qualitative research only uses small sample size in the research process since it does not largely base its findings on the sample size as compared to the quantitative research which mostly relies on large samples which is essential in this case because of its research design. The implication is that the data obtained is less reliable in the case of qualitative as compared to that of a quantitative research Weaknesses in quantitative research Quantitative research method is limited in analysis of subjective data since its focus is on numerical values/datasets Quantitative research method is limited in investigation of phenomena that requires postulation of hypotheses since the researchers in this case do not go beyond the data analyzed to find solutions to answers such as why, and how for instance In Quantitative research method it is very challenging to ensure generalization of results because of difficulties in ensuring randomization of sample is achieved and also due to lack of reasonable degree of population validity between the population itself and the selected cases. Plus given that the sample size is not a representative of the whole population.Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on Cell Phone Usage at Al Ittihad Model School Among Male Students specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Finally, like all research studies, quantitative research method is subject to bias. The major types of bias in quantitative research are undercoverage, non-response bias and voluntary response bias. Undercoverage bias occurs when a sample size does not meet the minimum number of cases of the larger population leading to under representation of the population. Non-responsiveness occurs when significant numbers of sample cases that have alre ady been chosen fails to respond by answering the required information. This compromises the quality of the research study and complicates the data analysis process. Finally, voluntary response bias occurs when sample cases are selected based on their voluntary choice. References Austvik, O. (2009). Strengths and weaknesses related to various empirical methods  in interdisciplinary fields like International Political Economy. Web. Hoepfl, M. ( 1997). Choosing Qualitative Research: a Primer for Technology  Education Researchers. Retrieved from https://scholar.lib.vt.edu/ejournals/JTE/v9n1/hoepfl.html Silver, D. (1993). Interpreting Qualitative Data. London: Sage Publications.

Bigraphy on Michael Jordan essays

Bigraphy on Michael Jordan essays I recently read a biography on Michael Jordan by Mitchell Krugel. This book gives out accurate info on Michael Jordan. Michael Jordan know as the best player in the NBA recently. He retired with no specific reason. He was a phenomenal superstar with many extraordinary abilities. He was the most recognizable athlete in the world , not only the top player of his era, but was possibly the best player ever to wear the uniform of an NBA It all started as a young boy in North Carolina where he was born and raised by his parents. Michael Jordan grew up dreaming of being a sports star and with the love of sports in his heart. He grew up playing baseball when he was young. He was the MVP for his team when they won the championship. When he was in Junior High School he began to play basketball. He got a love for this game that persuaded him to practice hard and give it all he had. He practiced by playing with his big brother. His brother, with his height advantage, beat him majority of the time. And Michael with his competitiveness and the hate of being the loser tried even harder. He tried to make himself taller any way he could, one time he even went to some Monkey bars hung on them trying to stretch himself. Maybe it worked because he was short. When Michael attended Laney High School, he tried out for the Varsity basketball team. When he found out he didnt make it, he went running to his house, ran straight to his room and started crying. He kept on practicing and begging the coach to put him on the team but sadly the coach told him just to try out again next year. After practicing hard, Michael had experienced his first dunk as a freshmen in Highschool. When I finally became known as an outstanding high school player, I was known as a guard because I was 6-foot-6, Michael recalled. I didnt have the body of a forward, and I did have the skills of a guard beca...

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Summary and Personal Opinion on Peter Lynch and John Rothchild Learn to Earn - Essay Example economics, mathematics and literature, but are not taught the roles that innovations and companies have played. "Every school child learns (only about) how the pilgrims risked their lives to find religious freedomin a tiny ship The Mayflower" (page 25) Following the 'Preface' and the 'Introduction' are the main chapters. Chapter One traces the history of capitalism. "For much of human history capitalism was an alien concept, for the bulk of the world's population never got their hands on money" (pg 21). We find how stocks got started in Europe centuries ago. We also learn how, more than a hundred years ago, Europeans invested in the then emerging market: The United States. "While optimists paid higher and higher prices for the shares of the Dutch East India Companypessimists bet against the stock through a clever maneuver called shorting". The optimists proved right and made unimaginable profits. Alexander Hamilton, father of the financial system, realized that the country couldn't get along without money, and to have money, it needed banks. Adam Smith understood the basics of how a free market works. Whenever there's a demand for a new product, competitiveness enters the scene. This competition is very good for all consumers, bec ause it forces the product makers to improve their product and cut prices. Without competition, complacency would set in. History of capitalism also speaks about the American economy which alternately moves from ecstasy to panic and back again. "In the euphoric periods, when prices were rising and jobs were plentiful, speculators would spend their last paycheck, hock their jewelry, go into debt, do anything to buy stocks, or bonds, or land, and get in on the action. Then, in the panics, collapses, and depressions, the speculators got their come uppance and people sobered up". We have seen many such stock market crashes in the great depression of 1853 and again in 1857, 1929, 1973, 1981 and 1987. One interesting description here is about what Lynch terms the robber barons. The robber barons were not robbers or lawbreakers in the traditional sense. They were high-end speculators, who struggled, connived, and strong-armed their way to the top of American industry. When you are an owner of a company, you only make money if the company succeeds. This is the risk of buying stocks: The Company you own may turn out to be worthless. It is for tacking this risk that people are rewarded so handsomely if they pick the right companies to invest in. This is also the most humorous chapter in the bookAfter an elaborate first chapter, Chapter Two covers the basics of investing. The discussion here is mostly intended for people who can invest money for a long time. The basic points here are that you should start invest early, and that stocks are the best performers among various investment options. Lynch proves how investors and corporations are true heroes of our great American Republic. Chapter Three outlines the lives of a company. It helps the investor to begin to think like the owner of a company. Chapter Four tells the stories of many companies which he calls the invisible hands. The Invisible Hand keeps the supply and demand of everything from bubblegum to bowling